People Of The World, Unite
And Defeat The U.S. Aggressors
And All Their Running Dogs
(6) Mao Zedong: Savior of North Korea
|
|
By Andrew Salmon
On Oct. 11, 1950, a Scottish soldier, Second-lieutenant Owen Light, passed a
group of skeletons standing in an entrenchment in tattered uniforms. All were
facing north. This was the 38th parallel; the dead he was passing were a unit
of South Korean soldiers, overrun on the first night of the Korea War, on
June 25. But in the almost carnival atmosphere of the time, Light thought
little of the grim tableau.
The young officer was part of the United Nations Command, the U.S.-led force
undertaking the first ― and only ― invasion the free world would ever mount
into a communist state. Having defeated Kim Il-sung’s North Korean People’s
Army (NKPA) in the south, victorious U.N. troops were now rolling across the
pre-war frontier.
There was negligible resistance from the broken NKPA. Cheering citizens
turned out to greet the convoys of liberators driving through their villages.
Every sign indicated that this nasty little war was almost over. In fact,
U.N. Command was driving down the road to catastrophe.
By December, Light’s unit ― the U.N. rearguard ― would be fleeing through
devastated villages and burning forests, for in a shock reversal of fortune,
free world forces had been routed on the cusp of victory. A new superpower
had arisen ― a superpower whose actions had jerked North Korea back from the
brink of extinction.
The man who led that superpower ― and who masterminded its stunning military
intervention ― was a peasant, a former librarian and a guerilla strategist
who had never set foot on the Korean Peninsula.
|
May 23, 1970
[SOURCE: Peking Review (23 May, 1970).]
A new upsurge in the struggle against U.S. imperialism is
now emerging throughout the world. Ever since the Second World War, U.S.
imperialism and its followers have been continuously launching wars of
aggression and the people in various countries have been continuously waging
revolutionary wars to defeat the aggressors. The danger of a new world war
still exists, and the people of all countries must get prepared. But revolution
is the main trend in the world today.
Unable to win in Vietnam and Laos, the U.S. aggressors
treacherously engineered the reactionary coup d’etat by the Lon Nol Sirik Matak
clique, brazenly dispatched their troops to invade Cambodia and resumed the
bombing of North Vietnam, and this has aroused the furious resistance of the
three Indo Chinese peoples. I warmly support the fighting spirit of Samdech
Norodom Sihanouk, Head of State of Cambodia, in opposing U.S. imperialism and
its lackeys. I warmly support the Joint Declaration of the Summit Conference of
the Indo Chinese Peoples. I warmly support the establishment of the Royal
Government of National Union under the Leadership of the National United Front
of Kampuchea. Strengthening their unity, supporting each other and persevering
in a protracted people’s war, the three Indo-Chinese peoples will certainly
overcome all difficulties and win complete victory.
While massacring the people in other countries, U.S.
imperialism is slaughtering the white and black people in its own country.
Nixon’s fascist atrocities have kindled the raging flames of the revolutionary
mass movement in the United States. The Chinese people firmly support the
revolutionary struggle of the American people. I am convinced that the American
people who are fighting valiantly will ultimately win victory and that the
fascist rule in the United States will inevitably be defeated.
The Nixon government is beset with troubles internally and externally,
with utter chaos at home and extreme isolation abroad. The mass movement of
protest against U.S. aggression in Cambodia has swept the globe. Less than ten
days after its establishment, the Royal Government of National Union of
Cambodia was recognized by nearly twenty countries. The situation is getting
better and better in the war of resistance against U.S. aggression and for
national salvation waged by the people of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. The
revolutionary armed struggles of the people of the South-east Asian countries,
the struggles of the people of Korea, Japan and other Asian countries against
the revival of Japanese militarism by the U.S. and Japanese reactionaries, the
struggles of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples against the U.S.-Israeli
aggressors, the national-liberation struggles of the Asian, African and Latin
American peoples, and the revolutionary struggles of the peoples of North
America, Europe and Oceania are all developing vigorously. The Chinese people
firmly support the people of the three Indo-Chinese countries and of other
countries of the world in their revolutionary struggles against U.S.
imperialism and its lackeys.
U.S. imperialism, which looks like a huge monster, is in
essence a paper tiger, now in the throes of its deathbed struggle. In the world
of today, who actually fears whom? It is not the Vietnamese people, the Laotian
people, the Cambodian people, the Palestinian people, the Arab people or the
people of other countries who fear U.S. imperialism; it is U.S. imperialism
which fears the people of the world. It becomes panic-stricken at the mere
rustle of leaves in the wind. Innumerable facts prove that a just cause enjoys
abundant support while an unjust cause finds little support. A weak nation can
defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country
can certainly defeat aggression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in
struggle, dare to take up arms and grasp in their own hands the destiny of
their country. This is a law of history.
People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors
and all their running dogs!
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
THE CHINESE PEOPLE HAVE STOOD UP!
September 21, 1949
[Opening address at the First Plenary Session of the Chinese
People's Political Consultative Conference.]
Fellow Delegates,
The Political Consultative Conference so eagerly awaited by
the whole nation is herewith inaugurated.
Our conference is composed of more than six hundred
delegates, representing all the democratic parties and people's organizations
of China, the People's Liberation Army, the various regions and nationalities
of the country and the overseas Chinese. This shows that ours is a conference
embodying the great unity of the people of the whole country.
It is because we have defeated the reactionary Kuomintang
government backed by U.S. imperialism that this great unity of the whole people
has been achieved. In a little more than three years the heroic Chinese
People's Liberation Army, an army such as the world has seldom seen, crushed
all the offensives launched by the several million troops of the U.S.-supported
reactionary Kuomintang government and turned to the counter-offensive and the
offensive. At present the field armies of the People's Liberation Army, several
million strong, have pushed the war to areas near Taiwan, Kwangtung, Kwangsi,
Kweichow, Szechuan and Sinkiang, and the great majority of the Chinese people
have won liberation. In a little more than three years the people of the whole
country have closed their ranks, rallied to support the People's Liberation
Army, fought the enemy and won basic victory. And it is on this foundation that
the present People's Political Consultative Conference is convened.
Our conference is called the Political Consultative
Conference because some three years ago we held a Political Consultative
Conference with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang.
[1] The
results of that conference were sabotaged by Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang and
its accomplices; nevertheless the conference left an indelible impression on
the people. It showed that nothing in the interest of the people could be
accomplished together with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang, the running dog of
imperialism, and its accomplices. Even when resolutions were reluctantly
adopted, it was of no avail, for as soon as the time was ripe, they tore them
up and started a ruthless war against the people. The only gain from that
conference was the profound lesson it taught the people that there is
absolutely no room for compromise with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang, the
running dog of imperialism, and its accomplices -- overthrow these enemies or
be oppressed and slaughtered by them, either one or the other, there is no
other choice. In a little more than three years the Chinese people, led by the
Chinese Communist Party, have quickly awakened and organized themselves into a
nation-wide united front against imperialism, feudalism, bureaucrat-capitalism
and their general representative, the reactionary Kuomintang government,
supported the People's War of Liberation, basically defeated the reactionary
Kuomintang government, overthrown the rule of imperialism in China and restored
the Political Consultative Conference.
The present Chinese People's Political Consultative
Conference is convened on an entirely new foundation; it is representative of
the people of the whole country and enjoys their trust and support. Therefore,
the conference proclaims that it will exercise the functions and powers of a
National People's Congress. In accordance with its agenda, the conference will
enact the Organic Law of the Chinese People's Political Consultative
Conference, the Organic Law of the Central People's Government of the People's
Republic of China and the Common Programme of the Chinese People's Political
Consultative Conference; it will elect the National Committee of the Chinese
People's Political Consultative Conference and the Central People's Government
Council of the People's Republic of China; it will adopt the national flag and
national emblem of the People's Republic of China; and it will decide on the
seat of the capital of the People's Republic of China and adopt the
chronological system in use in most countries of the world.
Fellow Delegates, we are all convinced that our work will go
down in the history of mankind, demonstrating that the Chinese people,
comprising one quarter of humanity, have now stood up. The Chinese have always
been a great, courageous and industrious nation; it is only in modern times
that they have fallen behind. And that was due entirely to oppression and
exploitation by foreign imperialism and domestic reactionary governments. For
over a century our forefathers never stopped waging unyielding struggles
against domestic and foreign oppressors, including the Revolution of 1911 led
by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, our great forerunner in the Chinese revolution. Our
forefathers enjoined us to carry out their unfulfilled will. And we have acted
accordingly. We have closed our ranks and defeated both domestic and foreign
oppressors through the People's War of Liberation and the great people's
revolution, and now we are proclaiming the founding of the People's Republic of
China. From now on our nation will belong to the community of the peace-loving
and freedom-loving nations of the world and work courageously and industriously
to foster its own civilization and well-being and at the same time to promote
world peace and freedom. Ours will no longer be a nation subject to insult and
humiliation. We have stood up. Our revolution has won the sympathy and acclaim
of the people of all countries. We have friends all over the world.
Our revolutionary work is not completed, the People's War of
Liberation and the people's revolutionary movement are still forging ahead and
we must keep up our efforts. The imperialists and the domestic reactionaries
will certainly not take their defeat lying down; they will fight to the last
ditch. After there is peace and order throughout the country, they are sure to
engage in sabotage and create disturbances by one means or another and every
day and every minute they will try to stage a come-back. This is inevitable and
beyond all doubt, and under no circumstances must we relax our vigilance.
Our state system, the people's democratic dictatorship, is a
powerful weapon for safeguarding the fruits of victory of the people's
revolution and for thwarting the plots of domestic and foreign enemies for
restoration, and this weapon we must firmly grasp. Internationally, we must
unite with all peace-loving and freedom-loving countries and peoples, and first
of all with the Soviet Union and the New Democracies, so that we shall not
stand alone in our struggle to safeguard these fruits of victory and to thwart
the plots of domestic and foreign enemies for restoration. As long as we
persist in the people's democratic dictatorship and unite with our foreign
friends, we shall always be victorious.
The people's democratic dictatorship and solidarity with our
foreign friends will enable us to accomplish our work of construction rapidly.
We are already confronted with the task of nation-wide economic construction.
We have very favourable conditions: a population of 475 million people and a
territory of 9,600,000 square kilometres. There are indeed difficulties ahead,
and a great many too. But we firmly believe that by heroic struggle the people
of the country will surmount them all. The Chinese people have rich experience
in overcoming difficulties. If our forefathers, and we also, could weather long
years of extreme difficulty and defeat powerful domestic and foreign
reactionaries, why can't we now, after victory, build a prosperous and
flourishing country? As long as we keep to our style of plain living and hard
struggle, as long as we stand united and as long as we persist in the people's
democratic dictatorship and unite with our foreign friends, we shall be able to
win speedy victory on the economic front.
An upsurge in economic construction is bound to be followed
by an upsurge of construction in the cultural sphere. The era in which the
Chinese people were regarded as uncivilized is now ended. We shall emerge in
the world as a nation with an advanced culture.
Our national defence will be consolidated and no
imperialists will ever again be allowed to invade our land. Our people's armed
forces must be maintained and developed with the heroic and steeled People's
Liberation Army as the foundation. We will have not only a powerful army but
also a powerful air force and a powerful navy.
Let the domestic and foreign reactionaries tremble before
us! Let them say we are no good at this and no good at that. By our own
indomitable efforts we the Chinese people will unswervingly reach our goal.
The heroes of the people who laid down their lives in the
People's War of Liberation and the people's revolution shall live for ever in
our memory!
Hail the victory of the People's War of Liberation and the
people's revolution!
Hail the founding of the People's Republic of China!
Hail the triumph of the Chinese People's Political
Consultative Conference!
NOTES
1. "Smash Chiang Kai-shek's
Offensive by a War of Self-Defence", Note 2,
Selected Works
of
Mao Tsetung, Vol. IV.
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
Modern History Sourcebook:
Dean Acheson:
United States Position on China, August 1949
Statement by Secretary of State Dean
Acheson, August 5, 1949
The reasons for the failures of the
Chinese National Government . . . do not stem from any inadequacy of American
aid. Our military observers on the spot have reported that the Nationalist
armies did not lose a single battle during the crucial year of 1948 through
lack of arms or ammunition. The fact was that the decay which our observers had
detected in Chungking early in the war had fatally sapped the powers of
resistance of the Kuomintang. Its leaders had proved incapable of meeting the
crisis confronting them, its troops bad lost the will to fight, and its
Government bad lost popular support. The Communists, on the other hand, through
a ruthless discipline and fanatical zeal, attempted to sell themselves as
guardians and liberators of the people. The Nationalist armies did not have to
be defeated; they disintegrated. History has proved again and again that a
regime without faith in itself and an army without morale cannot survive the
test of battle. . . .
The historic policy of the United
States of friendship and aid toward the people of China was, however,
maintained in both peace and war. Since V-J Day, the United States Government
has authorized aid to Nationalist China in the form of grants and credits
totaling approximately 2 billion dollars, an amount equivalent in value to more
than 50 percent of the monetary expenditures of the Chinese Government and of
proportionately greater magnitude in relation to the budget of that Government
than the United States has provided to any nation of Western Europe since the
end of the war. In addition to these grants and credits, the United States
Government has sold the Chinese Government large quantities of military and
civilian war surplus property with a total procurement cost of over I billion
dollars, for which the agreed realization to the United States was 232 million
dollars. A large proportion of the military supplies furnished the Chinese
armies by the United States since V-J Day has, however, fallen into the hands
of the Chinese Communists through the military ineptitude of the Nationalist
leaders, their defections and surrenders, and the absence among their forces of
the will to fight.
It has been urged that relatively small
amounts of additional aid-military and economic-to the National Government
would have enabled it to destroy communism in China. The most trustworthy
military, economic, and politic al information available to our Government does
not bear out this view.
A realistic appraisal of conditions in
China, past and present, leads to the conclusion that the only alternative open
to the United States was full-scale intervention in behalf of a Government
which bad lost the confidence of its own troops and its own people. Such
intervention would have required the expenditure of even greater sums than have
been fruitlessly spent thus far, the command of Nationalist armies by American
officers, and the probable participation of American armed forces-land, sea,
and air-in the resulting war. Intervention of such a scope and magnitude would
have been resented by the mass of the Chinese people, would have diametrically
reversed our historic policy, and would have been condemned by the American
people. . . .
The unfortunate but inescapable fact is
that the ominous result of the civil war in China was beyond the control of the
government of the United States. Nothing that this country did or could have
done within the reasonable limits of its capabilities could have changed that
result; nothing that was left undone by this country has contributed to it. It
was the product of internal Chinese forces, forces which this country tried to
influence but could not. A decision was arrived at within China, if only a
decision by default.
And now it is abundantly clear that we
must face the situation as it exists in fact. We will not help the Chinese or
ourselves by basing our policy on wishful thinking. We continue to believe
that, however tragic may be the immediate future of China and however ruthlessly
a major portion of this great people may be exploited by a party in the
interest of a foreign imperialism, ultimately the profound civilization and the
democratic individualism of China will reassert themselves and she will throw
off the foreign yoke. I consider that we should encourage all developments in
China which now and in the future work toward this end.
Modern History Sourcebook:
Pravda:
Editorial: The Anti-Soviet Policy of Communist China, February 16, 1967
During the past half century our party and our people have more than
once had to withstand fierce attacks by hostile forces against the first
socialist state in the history of mankind. If, however, we omit the periods of
war, the periods of direct armed aggression against the Soviet Union, it can be
said that never before has such a fierce campaign been svaged against it as the
one launched by the present leaders of China....In their shameless violations
of the existing standards and customs of international law the Chinese authorities
go to lengths which even the most reactionary of imperialist governments have
rarely permitted themselves....What are the organisers of the campaign of
hatred against the Soviet Union trying to achieve?The facts show that the
persons who are today directing the policy of China, are setting themselves the
goal not only of bringing up the Chinese people in a spirit of enmity towards
the U.S.S.R. but of worsening SovietChinese relations to the limit, and, in the
last analysis, bringing those relations to the point of a complete break. . .
.Another question arises in this connection: Why does the Mao Tse-tung group
need this worsening of the position and what goals is it pursuing? The answer
to this question should be sought in the entire nationalistic, greatpower
policy of the present Chinese leadership....Nor can there be any doubt either
about the fact that one of the direct reasons for the anti-Soviet policy and
the anti-Soviet propaganda of the present Chinese leadership is a desire to
divert the attention of the Chinese people from the privations and difficulties
they are experiencing and from the many mistakes and failures in the domestic
and foreign policy of China. Here we are actually confronted with the old and
hackneyed method employed by all unprincipled politicians when facing
bankruptcy....It was by no means accidental that they fired their first shots
in the political war against the Soviet state and the C.P.S.U. shortly after
the failure of the ill-starred policy of the "Great Leap" and the
"people's communes." As the scale of the setbacks in domestic policy
and the failure of the line in the foreign policy pursued by the C.P.C.
leadership, which led the country to isolation, became increasingly clear, the
intensity of the anti-Soviet campaign grew more and more. . . .In an atmosphere
of tense struggle inside the party and among the people, Mao Tse-tung's group
needed this slander precisely in the interests of the power struggle. Mao
Tse-tung simply could not have remained in power without such slander, because
the Soviet Union's successes in building communism and the successes in
building socialism in other countries expose his apostasy and the bankruptcy of
his political line.. The entire practice of the C.P.S.U. and the other
Communist Parties which are consistently developing Lenimst standards in
inner-party life, strengthening the principles of collective leadership and
strictly adhering to democratic principles in the activities of all party
organisations from top to bottom, naturally creates a danger to Mao Tse-tung
and his power, for Mao Tse-tung's group has long been attacking its own party.
The most elementary standards and principles of inner party life-the elective
nature of party bodies, the responsibility of leaders to the party and party
organisations, publicity in the discussion of the party line, etc.-bave been
trampled underfoot in China. The cult of the personality of Mao Tse-tung has
reached absurd lengths and has become actual idolatry ...The anti-Soviet
campaign of the Chinese leaders is being waged in the most outrageous ways,
with real hooliganism.However, the fact that it apparently assumes the
character of an offensive should not deceive anyone. In reality, the actions of
Mao Tse-tung's group are motivated not by their strength but by their weakness,
by their fear of their own party and their own people. The most recent events
show that the Peking leaders have sufficient grounds for that fear. The
"cultural revolution " has brought to light the great degree of dissatisfaction
that exists among the workers, peasants and in tell ectuals-dissatisf action
which has spread even to the army and the youth on whom Mao Tse-tung's group is
gambling. The events which began under the banner of the "cultural
revolution" have actually developed into a fierce struggle by Mao Tse-tung
and his followers to retain power, Their policy shows that for the sake of
power they are ready to sacrifice everything - the interests of socialism, the
interests of their people and the interests of the revolution....The main thing
is, however, that already today Mao Tse-tung and his entourage, by their
policy, are rendering invaluable services to the imperialists.This group has
actually replaced the struggle against imperialism by a struggle against the
Soviet Union and the otlier socialist countries, and against the communist
movement. It is thereby weakening the front Of the anti-imperialist forces and
worsening the entire political situation in Asia. All this is, in the first
place, a stab in the back for the heroic Vietnamese people in their struggle
against the American aggressors, Imperialist circles fully approve of this line
of Mao Tse-tung's group. The Washington Post has said that
officials in Washington believe that Mao is serving American interests and they
are therefore even thinking of cultivating Maoism as a means of bringing
pressure to bear on Moscow. The magazine United States News and World
Report has directly stated in this connection that the United States
is gambling oil Mao and that American officials tend to prefer a victory for
Mao Tse-tung in his struggle to destroy more nioderate elements, because that
would mean more trouble for Soviet Russia.Such is the reaction of imperialist
Circles to Mao Tse-tung's policy, which is advertised in Peking propaganda as
the very latest thing in "revolutionariness." Praise of this kind
from the class enemy is yet another proof of the extent to which the domestic
and foreign policy of Mao Tse-tung and his group is contrary to tbe interests
of socialism, to the interests of the revolution, and plavs into the bands of
imperialism, and in the first place, United States imperialism. . . .Having
replaced the struggle against imperialism with a struggle against the Soviet
Union, against the whole socialist community, and against the international
communist and liberation movements, Mao Tse-tung's group is doing considerable
harm to the cause of world socialism, including harm to the Chinese people and
the cause of building socialism in China. The adventurist anti-Leninist policy
of this group has in store for the Chinese people only a further worsening of
economic difficulties, a lowering of living standards, a deterioration in the
mteinational situation and the prospect of China becoming completely isolated
from the socialist community. []
"FRIENDSHIP" OR AGGRESSION?
August 30, 1949
Seeking to justify aggression, Dean Acheson harps on
"friendship" and throws in lots of "principles".
Acheson says:
The interest of the people and the Government of the United
States in China goes far back into our history. Despite the distance and broad
differences in background which separate China and the United States, our
friendship for that country has always been intensified by the religious,
philanthropic and cultural ties which have united the two peoples, and has been
attested by many acts of good will over a period of many years, including the
use of the Boxer indemnity for the education of Chinese students, the abolition
of extraterritoriality during the Second World War, and our extensive aid to
China during and since the close of the War. The record shows that the United
States has consistently maintained and still maintains those fundamental
principles of our foreign policy toward China which include the doctrine of the
Open Door, respect for the administrative and territorial integrity of China,
and opposition to any foreign domination of China.
Acheson is telling a bare-faced lie when he describes
aggression as "friendship".
The history of the aggression against China by U.S. imperialism,
from 1840 when it helped the British in the Opium War to the time it was thrown
out of China by the Chinese people, should be written into a concise textbook
for the education of Chinese youth. The United States was one of the first
countries to force China to cede extraterritoriality
[1] --
witness the Treaty of Wanghia
[2] of
1844, the first treaty ever signed between China and the United States, a
treaty to which the White Paper refers. In this very treaty, the United States
compelled China to accept American missionary activity, in addition to imposing
such terms as the opening of five ports for trade. For a very long period, U.S.
imperialism laid greater stress than other imperialist countries on activities
in the sphere of spiritual aggression, extending from religious to "philanthropic"
and cultural undertakings. According to certain statistics, the investments of
U.S. missionary and "philanthropic" organizations in China totalled
41,900,000 U.S. dollars, and 14.7 per cent of the assets of the missionary
organizations were in medical service, 38.2 per cent in education and 47.1 per
cent in religious activities.
[3] Many
well-known educational institutions in China, such as Yenching University,
Peking Union Medical College, the Huei Wen Academies, St. John's University,
the University of Nanking, Soochow University, Hangchow Christian College,
Hsiangya Medical School, West China Union University and Lingnan University,
were established by Americans.
[4] It
was in this field that Leighton Stuart made a name for himself; that was how he
became U.S. ambassador to China. Acheson and his like know what they are
talking about, and there is a background for his statement that "our
friendship for that country has always been intensified by the religious,
philanthropic and cultural ties which have united the two peoples". It was
all for the sake of "intensifying friendship", we are told, that the
United States worked so hard and deliberately at running these undertakings for
105 years after the signing of the Treaty of 1844.
Participation in the Eight-Power Allied Expedition to defeat
China in 1900, the extortion of the "Boxer indemnity" and the later
use of this fund "for the education of Chinese students" for purposes
of spiritual aggression -- this too counts as an expression of
"friendship".
Despite the "abolition" of extraterritoriality,
the culprit in the raping of Shen Chung was declared not guilty and released by
the U.S. Navy Department on his return to the United States[
5]
-- this counts as another expression of "friendship".
"Aid to China during and since the close of the
War", totalling over 4,500 million U.S. dollars according to the White
Paper, but over 5,914 million U.S. dollars according to our computation, was
given to help Chiang Kai-shek slaughter several million Chinese -- this counts
as yet another expression of "friendship".
All the "friendship" shown to China by U.S.
imperialism over the past 109 years (since 1840 when the United States
collaborated with Britain in the Opium War), and especially the great act of
"friendship" in helping Chiang Kai-shek slaughter several million
Chinese in the last few years -- all this had one purpose, namely, it
"consistently maintained and still maintains those fundamental principles
of our foreign policy toward China which include the doctrine of the Open Door,
respect for the administrative and territorial integrity of China, and
opposition to any foreign domination of China".
Several million Chinese were killed for no other purpose
than first, to maintain the Open Door, second, to respect the administrative
and territorial integrity of China and, third, to oppose any foreign domination
of China.
Today, the only doors still open to Acheson and his like are
in small strips of land, such as Canton and Taiwan, and only in these places is
the first of these sacred principles "still maintained". In other
places, in Shanghai for instance, the door was open after liberation, but now
some one is using U.S. warships and their big guns to enforce the far from
sacred principle of the Blockaded Door.
Today, it is only in small strips of land, such as Canton
and Taiwan, that thanks to Acheson's second sacred principle administrative and
territorial "integrity" is "still maintained". All other
places are out of luck, and administration and territory have fallen to pieces.
Today, it is only in places such as Canton and Taiwan that
thanks to Acheson's third sacred principle all "foreign domination",
including U.S. domination, has been successfully done away with through the
"opposition" of Acheson and his like; therefore such places are still
dominated by the Chinese. The rest of the land of China -- the mere mention
makes one weep -- is all gone, all dominated by foreigners, and the Chinese
there have one and all been turned into slaves. Up to this point in his
writing, His Excellency Dean Acheson did not have time to indicate what country
these foreigners came from, but it becomes clear as one reads on, so there is
no need to ask.
Whether non-interference in China's domestic affairs also
counts as a principle, Acheson didn't say; probably it does not. Such is the
logic of the U.S. mandarins. Anyone who reads Acheson's Letter of Transmittal
to the end will attest to its superior logic.
NOTES
1. "Extraterritoriality" here
refers to consular jurisdiction. It was one of the special privileges for
aggression which the imperialists wrested from China. Under the so-called
consular jurisdiction, nationals of imperialist countries residing in China
were not subject to the jurisdiction of Chinese law; when they committed crimes
or became defendants in civil lawsuits, they could be tried only in their
respective countries' consular courts in China, and the Chinese government
could not intervene.
2. The "Treaty of Wanghia"
was the first unequal treaty signed as a result of U.S. aggression against
China. The United States, taking advantage of China's defeat in the Opium War,
compelled the Ching Dynasty to sign this treaty, also called the
"Sino-American Treaty on the Opening of Five Ports for Trade", in
Wanghia Village near Macao in July 1844. Its thirty-four articles stipulated
that whatever rights and privileges, including consular jurisdiction, were
gained by Britain through the Treaty of Nanking and its annexes would also
accrue to the United States.
3. See C. F. Remer,
Foreign
Investments in China, Chapter 15.
4. Yenching University was in Peiping;
the Huei Wen Academies, in Peiping and Nanking; St. John's University, in
Shanghai; Hsiangya Medical School (Yale in China), in Changsha; West China
Union University, in Chengtu; and Lingnan University, in Canton.
5. William Pierson, a corporal, and
other U.S. marines raped Shen Chung, a girl student of Peking University, in
Peiping on December 24, 1946. This aroused the great indignation of the people
throughout the country against the atrocities of the U.S. forces. In January
1947, brushing aside the people's protests, the Kuomintang government handed
over the chief criminal, Pierson, to the Americans to be dealt with at their
discretion. In August the U.S. Navy Department set this criminal free with a
verdict of "not guilty".
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
A New Storm Against Imperialism
April 16, 1968
[SOURCE: Peking Review, April 19, 1968, pp.
5-6.]
[“Statement by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China, in Support of the Afro-American
Struggle Against Violent Repression” (April 16, 1968)]
Some days ago, Martin Luther King, the Afro-American
clergyman, was suddenly assassinated by the U.S. imperialists. Martin Luther
King was an exponent of nonviolence. Nevertheless, the U.S. imperialists did
not on that account show any tolerance toward him, but used
counter-revolutionary violence and killed him in cold blood. This has taught
the broad masses of the Black people in the United States a profound lesson. It
has touched off a new storm in their struggle against violent repression
sweeping well over a hundred cities in the United States, a storm such as has
never taken place before in the history of that country. It shows that an
extremely powerful revolutionary force is latent in the more than twenty million
Black Americans.
The storm of Afro-American struggle taking place within the
United States is a striking manifestation of the comprehensive political and
economic crisis now gripping U.S. imperialism. It is dealing a telling blow to
U.S. imperialism, which is beset with difficulties at home and abroad.
The Afro-American struggle is not only a struggle waged by
the exploited and oppressed Black people for freedom and emancipation, it is
also a new clarion call to all the exploited and oppressed people of the United
States to fight against the barbarous rule of the monopoly capitalist class. It
is a tremendous aid and inspiration to the struggle of the people throughout
the world against U.S. imperialism and to the struggle of the Vietnamese people
against U.S. imperialism. On behalf of the Chinese people, I hereby express
resolute support for the just struggle of the Black people in the United
States.
Racial discrimination in the United States is a product of
the colonialist and imperialist system. The contradiction between the Black
masses in the United States and the U.S. ruling circles is a class
contradiction. Only by overthrowing the reactionary rule of the U.S. monopoly
capitalist class and destroying the colonialist and imperialist system can the
Black people in the United States win complete emancipation. The Black masses
and the masses of white working people in the United States have common
interests and common objectives to struggle for. Therefore, the Afro-American
struggle is winning sympathy and support from increasing numbers of white
working people and progessives in the United States. The struggle of the Black
people in the United States is bound to merge with the American workers’
movement, and this will eventually end the criminal rule of the U.S. monopoly
capitalist class.
In 1963, in the “Statement Supporting the Afro-Americans in
Their Just Struggle Against Racial Discrimination by U.S. Imperialism,” I said
that the “the evil system of colonialism and imperialism arose and throve with
the enslavement of Negroes and the trade in Negroes, and it will surely come to
its end with the complete emancipation of the Black people.” I still maintain
this view.
At present, the world revolution has entered a great new
era. The struggle of the Black people in the United States for emancipation is
a component part of the general struggle of al the people of the world against
U.S. imperialism, a component part of the contemporary world revolution. I call
on the workers, peasants, and revolutionary intellectuals of all countries and
all who are willing to fight against U.S. imperialism to take action and extend
strong support to the struggle of the Black people in the United States! People
of the whole world, unite still more closely and launch a sustained and
vigorous offensive against our common enemy, U.S. imperialism, and its
accomplices! It can be said with certainty that the complete collapse of
colonialism, imperialism, and all systems of exploitation, and the complete
emancipation of all the oppressed peoples and nations of the world are not far
off.
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
The Days Of The U.S. Aggressors
In Vietnam Are Numbered
December 19, 1967
[SOURCE: Peking Review, no. 52, 1967, p. 5.]
(Full text of comrade Mao’s message 19 December 1967 to
President Nguyen Huu Tho of the National Liberation Front)
On behalf of the Chinese people, I extend the warmest
congratulations to the fighting people of southern Vietnam on the occasion of
the seventh anniversary of the founding of the South Vietnam National
Liberation Front.
You are putting up a good fight! Under exceptionally difficult
conditions, you have, by relying on your own strength, battered U.S.
imperialism, the most ferocious imperialism in the world, so that its forces
are in disorder and it has no way out. This is a great victory. The Chinese
people salute you.
Your victory manifests once again that a nation, big or
small, can defeat any enemy, however powerful provided only that it fully
mobilizes its people, relies firmly on the people, and wages a people’s war. By
their war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation under the wise and
able leadership of the great leader President Ho Chi Minh, the Vietnamese
people have set a brilliant example for the oppressed peoples and oppressed
nations the world over in their struggle for liberation.
The days of the U.S. aggressors in Vietnam are numbered.
However, all reactionary forces on the verge of extinction invariably conduct
desperate struggles. They are bound to resort to military adventure and
political deception in all their forms in order to save themselves from
extinction. And the revolutionary peoples are bound to meet with all kinds of
difficulties before final victory. Nevertheless, all these difficulties can be
surmounted, and no difficulty can ever obstruct the advance of the
revolutionary people. Perseverance means victory. I am deeply convinced that,
by persevering in protracted war, the Vietnamese people will certainly be able
to drive the U.S. aggressors out of Vietnam.
We firmly support you. We are neighbouring countries as
close as the lips and the teeth. Our two peoples are brothers sharing weal and
woe. The fraternal people of southern Vietnam and the entire fraternal
Vietnamese people can rest assured that your struggle is our struggle. The 700
million Chinese people are the powerful rearguard of the Vietnamese people; the
vast expanse of China’s territory is their reliable rear area. In the face of
the solid fighting unity of our two peoples, all military adventures and
political deceptions by U.S. imperialism will certainly fail.
Victory will definitely belong to the heroic Vietnamese
people!
Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by Marxists.org
